Media
abroad continue to write on Mongolia’s far-right groups. Recently, BBC News
Asia-Pacific wrote that these days China pours more money into this country
than any other does. Some of it is aid. Some of it is investment. China”s
People”s Liberation Army has handed over nearly USD3 million this year in aid
to the Mongolian military.

But
some Mongolians are suspicious of these close ties. They want to know what
China really wants.  They suspect their
powerful neighbor is a bully, not a benefactor, and that such co-operation
could, in time, start to undermine the Mongolian way of life.

The
signs of their resentment are not hard to find. Swastikas and slogans are
daubed on walls across Ulaanbaatar. On the internet the groups show how they
are fighting back against what they see as attempts to dilute the Mongolian
race. A YouTube video shows a man shaving the head of a Mongolian woman. Next
to her a Chinese man sits with his hands over his face. It is a very public
warning to Mongolian women: “This is what happens if you sleep with Chinese
men.”

It
was posted by a member of a far-right group called Dayar Mongol. Zenemyadar
Erdenebileg is its founder. His group”s website shows members carrying Nazi
flags. The swastika is part of the group”s logo. However, he insists he is a
nationalist, not a Nazi. He comes to meet us in traditional dress – the kind of
outfit nomadic herders wear out on the steppes.

His
organization is blamed by human rights groups for dozens of attacks on women,
foreigners and others they see as threatening the purity of their race.
Violence he condemns, but he defends the shaving of the woman”s head. “I
think this is right,” he says. “If you ask the Mongolian people what
they think about it, the majority of people would support that act.”

While
he says his organization does not order or sanction attacks, he offers this
explanation for them. He says the Mongolian nation should remain
“pure”.”Young people see foreigners breaking the law and they”re
not happy,” he says. “So they”re threatening them, sometimes robbing
them. It”s wrong but it”s happening a lot. Sometimes they are our members but
the majority are not. Maybe they”re our supporters but we don”t know
them.”

One
of his members joins our conversation. Jamsran Soronzon is 28 years old. He is
an electrician and a new recruit to Dayar Mongol. He is wearing combat
trousers, a black t-shirt and, round his neck, a swastika on a chain. “In
Mongolian we call this the khas symbol,” he says. “Germany”s
nationalists tried to cleanse their nation, so for me [the swastika] stands for
keeping our nation pure. It”s not like I support Germany or I”m a Nazi. It”s
just nationalism.”

Robyn
Garner, a gay activist in Ulaanbaatar, is sympathetic to the concerns many
Mongolians have about the activities of foreign corporations here. “You
have a large section of the population watching resources, assets being sold
off to foreigners,” she says. “I can understand that people are
looking for scapegoats, for ideologies to channel their concerns.”

But
she is worried that the discontent is fueling the violent agenda of the
far-right groups who are targeting her community. Two transgender women had to
flee the country after they were assaulted. A 19-year-old gay man was stripped
and beaten in the suburbs after leaving a monthly gay party. Tsedendemberel
Otgonbaatar, another activist, says he has to be constantly on guard against
the threat of attack when walking down the street. “I”m in constant
fear,” he says, “and unless we do something it”s just going to get
worse and worse.”

Luvsandendev
Sumati, a Mongolian opinion pollster, points out that in the 2008 parliamentary
elections, the party associated with these far-right groups won less than 1% of
the vote. They are still operating on the margins, he argues, although he does
feel they reflect concerns that many share here. “Small cultures are
dissipating and disappearing,” he said. “It”s a real threat. In some
ways Mongolian society should react to that. The question is: will it react in
a civilized way or will it try to go to extremes?”

Some
here argue these groups are adopting the symbols of the Nazis because they are
not yet a strong enough political force to create their own ideology. But those
targeted by them feel they are a real threat and their influence is growing.
Perhaps that is no surprise. We found one city centre bar filled with Nazi
memorabilia. There were swastikas painted on the floor, reproductions of
propaganda posters on the wall, even mannequins dressed in Nazi uniforms.

Inside
there were not extremists, just girls on a night out, a couple drinking quietly
in one corner – no-one, it appeared, giving a second thought to the idea that
these symbols would provoke offense elsewhere. 
The threats, the violence, the use of Nazi symbols all help to garner
attention for the extremist groups here – Nazis or nationalists, the label does
not really matter. They seem to enjoy the notoriety it brings.

The
challenge for Mongolia”s authorities will be to address the concerns that fuel
their anger and resentment and win them support, while limiting their
opportunity to do real harm.